Greg Casar
D · U.S. House, TX-37 · Tier 4
Tier 4, “Critical / conditions aid”
Chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, who led the caucus to its first-ever endorsement of Israel-arms legislation. He currently represents TX-35 and, after Texas’s 2025 mid-decade redistricting, is running in TX-37 — a seat the FEC classifies as open rather than one he holds. He cosponsors both the Block the Bombs Act and Tlaib's H.Res.876 genocide-recognition resolution, uses 'genocide' in his own voice, rejects AIPAC money, and voted against the April 2024 Israel aid supplemental. After that No vote he co-signed a 19-member statement saying “We believe strongly in Israel’s right to self-defense” and “All of us support strengthening the Iron Dome and other defense systems.” His signature arms measure is offensive-only — Block the Bombs names seven enumerated offensive munitions and its sponsors say it “does not impact Iron Dome,” though the operative text never mentions Iron Dome, and H.Res.876, which he also cosponsors, goes further and calls for ceasing arms transfers where there is reason to suspect their use in the genocide. He has not called for a full embargo, and his single vote to cut off Israel’s military financing — an Aye on the July 15, 2026 Massie amendment (roll 243) — came with a joint statement that expressly disclaims opposition to non-military aid, though in a letter urging colleagues to back it he wrote that “The American people are crying out for an end to US tax dollars subsidizing Israel’s military.” He also authored a December 2024 letter, co-led with Summer Lee and signed by 20 House Democrats in all, urging the administration to withhold offensive weapons because Israel had failed to meet the administration’s own humanitarian benchmarks. In his 2022 race he wrote to a local rabbi, “I am not a BDS supporter.” Asked by CNN, in a piece published July 7, 2026, whether one can be a progressive and believe in a Jewish state as a Jewish homeland, he answered “yes.” Casar co-led the Stop the Settlements Act (H.R.10642, introduced Oct 1, 2026), which would sanction those who build or expand Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza and ban imports of settlement goods: “Congress must work toward lasting peace in the region by ending the occupation and genocide.” After masked settlers attacked a Washington Post photographer covering the olive harvest, he wrote on Oct 16, 2026 that Congress must pass it “to sanction violent settlers and sanction the government officials enabling them”; after Israeli forces detained Brad Lander and dozens of olive-harvest volunteers on Oct 21, he wrote that Congress must “make it clear that abuses like this are unacceptable, and stop funding this terror.” In June 2024 he co-led, with Dick Durbin, Pramila Jayapal and Debbie Dingell, a letter of 69 lawmakers backing refugee priority status for Gazans with U.S. citizen or permanent-resident relatives. He signed the January 2024 Pressley–Raskin letter against the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, the October 2024 letter urging President Biden to sanction Israeli ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir over incitement of settler violence, Tlaib’s June 2025 letter opposing the Israeli government’s use of starvation as a weapon and the U.S.-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, the August 2025 Pressley–Pettersen letter urging a surge of infant formula into Gaza, both West Bank annexation letters (the September 2025 Schneider–Raskin letter, with most House Democrats, and the January 2026 Welch–Khanna letter), the 2025 letters on the detentions of student activists Mahmoud Khalil, Rümeysa Öztürk and Mohsen Mahdawi, and the February 2026 Welch–Van Hollen–Castor letter seeking accountability for Israel’s detention and abuse of Palestinian American teenager Mohammed Ibrahim. In August and September 2026 Casar also signed Tlaib’s letter demanding the release of 20-year-old US citizen Sama Safi from Israeli military detention, the Dexter–Ruiz letter seeking the release of Gaza pediatrician Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya from Israeli detention without charge (Sep 8) and the Pocan–Quigley letter on Palestinian medical workers held by Israel without charge (Sep 24). Jewish Insider reported on Oct 23, 2026 that Casar was among about 30 signers of a draft letter, led by Rep. Ro Khanna and gathering signatures through Nov 6, urging the negotiators of the 2027 defense authorization bill to strip its U.S.-Israel defense-technology cooperation provisions; the draft, which cites Israel’s conduct in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon, says “These are not the actions of a government whose defense establishment should be granted deeper access to American military technology, nor rewarded with U.S. defense contracts,” and asks that any framework kept “carry human rights conditions consistent with those governing other United States security assistance.” In a live interview with Zeteo’s Mehdi Hasan in Houston, published Oct 23, 2026, he said money in politics, which Zeteo reports he tied to Democratic and Biden-administration support for Israel during the genocide in Gaza, “unfortunately results in people being treated in a sub-human way,” and that “getting big money out of politics [and] tarnishing AIPAC’s brand and name the way we have, I think will save kid’s lives.” Recalling the event on Oct 27, 2026, he wrote: “Our message was simple: no more genocide & mass destruction. No more billionaires controlling our economy and elections.”
One of the strongest Tier 4 records on the roster. As chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, the second-largest caucus in the House Democratic Caucus, he did what no CPC leader had done before: he led the caucus to formally endorse Israel-arms legislation (Block the Bombs), a historic break from the caucus’s long ‘progressive except for Palestine’ posture. He uses ‘genocide’ in his own voice, cosponsors both the Block the Bombs Act and Tlaib’s H.Res.876 genocide-recognition resolution (which goes beyond conditioning to call for ceasing arms transfers and imposing sanctions), voted against the April 2024 aid supplemental, led a December 2024 letter, with Summer Lee and 18 other House Democrats, demanding an end to offensive weapons transfers, and rejects AIPAC money. That advocacy leadership sets him apart from members at 4 whose records rest on cosponsorships alone. What keeps him at 4 rather than 5 is the reach of his measures: his signature arms position is offensive-only (Block the Bombs enumerates seven offensive munitions and names no defensive system; its sponsors say it does not affect Iron Dome, though the operative text never mentions it), and he has not called for a full embargo, BDS, or taken any position questioning Israel’s legitimacy as a Jewish state — so his own measures stop at offensive-arms conditioning. He did vote for the July 15, 2026 Massie amendment stripping Israel’s military financing from the FY27 foreign-operations bill (roll 243) and signed the 27-member statement led by Jim McGovern, which grounds the vote in nearly six decades of occupation and in human-rights conditions that “have not been meaningfully enforced” — but that statement carves out non-military aid and does not use the word “genocide,” and 103 Democrats voted Aye, leadership did not whip it, and the Leader, Caucus Chair and Vice Chair all voted No while the Whip voted Aye. Yet in a July 14, 2026 letter urging colleagues to back it he wrote that “The American people are crying out for an end to US tax dollars subsidizing Israel’s military,” a military “that has killed tens of thousands of civilians.” What holds him at 4 is that during the genocide he voted No on the July 2025 amendment to cut $500 million in Israel’s missile-defense aid.
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elect26 places 2026 midterm candidates on a six-tier spectrum, from 1 (most pro-Israel) to 6 (most critical of Israel).