Jonathan Jackson
D · U.S. House, IL-1 · Tier 3/4
Tier 3/4, between “Pro-Israel, critical” and “Critical / conditions aid”
Block the Bombs cosponsor who, the Washington Examiner reported in September 2025, would still accept AIPAC contributions (FEC shows $12,900 in 2022 and nothing since — the 2024-cycle entries are the same Nov 2022 earmark voided (May 30 2023) and re-forwarded (Jun 7 2023), netting zero; the Intercept’s $15,000 figure is not supportable on FEC). He joined the Nov 2023 White House ceasefire vigil with Bowman, Tlaib, and Bush. An original Block the Bombs cosponsor who voted No on the April 2024 Israel aid supplemental; after that vote he co-signed a 19-member statement saying “We believe strongly in Israel’s right to self-defense” and “All of us support strengthening the Iron Dome and other defense systems”; he also cosponsored the McCollum children’s-rights bill and ceasefire measures. Letters he signed urged the State Department to affirm U.S. opposition to the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza (January 2024), backed refugee status for Gazans with U.S. citizen or permanent-resident relatives (June 2024), urged sanctions on Israeli ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir over incitement of settler violence (October 2024), demanded answers on the detentions of the student activists Mahmoud Khalil (March 2025) and Mohsen Mahdawi (April 2025), condemned the Israeli government’s use of starvation as a weapon in Gaza and rejected the U.S.-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (Tlaib’s 19-signer letter, June 2025), urged Secretary Rubio to press Israel to allow a surge of aid into Gaza, above all infant formula (August 2025), opposed West Bank annexation with most House Democrats (September 2025) and asked the administration to warn Israel off annexation and the E-1 settlement and to reimpose Biden-era West Bank sanctions (January 2026). On Oct 1, 2026 Jackson co-signed Chuy García’s letter to Ambassador Huckabee on the West Bank village of al-Mughayyir, which says the attacks there reflect “an intentional policy of violence and terrorism inflicted by Israeli forces across the occupied West Bank to further the ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Palestinian people” and that the US “has consistently backed this policy by continuing to provide military aid to Israel.” In August and September 2026 Jackson also signed Tlaib’s letter demanding the release of 20-year-old US citizen Sama Safi from Israeli military detention, the Dexter–Ruiz letter seeking the release of Gaza pediatrician Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya from Israeli detention without charge (Sep 8), the Pocan–Quigley letter on Palestinian medical workers held by Israel without charge and a 72-member letter urging Netanyahu to contain settler violence in the West Bank and “halt further settlement approvals” (both Sep 24). Jackson signed the 27-member statement led by Jim McGovern explaining the July 15, 2026 Massie Aye, which says existing human rights conditions on US security assistance “have not been meaningfully enforced.” He has also cosponsored the U.S.-Israel Defense Partnership Act (H.R.1229), which would deepen U.S.-Israel military cooperation and extend the stockpile of U.S. weapons kept in Israel for its use through 2029, since March 2025; three Democrats have withdrawn from it, and he has not. On October 5, 2026 he cosponsored the Stop the Settlements Act (H.R.10642), which would sanction those who build or expand Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza and ban imports of settlement goods. On Oct 8 he signed the Tlaib–Green letter seeking the release of Ya’akub Ira Vijandre, a DACA recipient held by ICE for a year, which says DHS has cited “his advocacy for Palestine” among its grounds for holding him. In June 2026 Jackson signed a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio, led by Reps. Becca Balint and Joaquin Castro, on Israel’s operations in southern Lebanon, saying Israel’s “targeted, mass destruction of civilian homes and infrastructure does not constitute Israeli self-defense” and asking that, if U.S.-origin arms were confirmed in those operations, the administration “stop arms transfers being used in these operations until these violations cease”; the letter also affirmed that “Israel has a right to defend itself.” On Oct 21, 2026 he condemned “the detention by Israeli authorities” of Brad Lander and dozens of American rabbis and advocates helping Palestinian farmers “in the occupied West Bank,” adding: “The U.S. must speak up for human rights, dignity, and accountability!” Jewish Insider reported on Oct 23, 2026 that Jackson was among about 30 signers of a draft letter, led by Rep. Ro Khanna and gathering signatures through Nov 6, urging the negotiators of the 2027 defense authorization bill to strip its U.S.-Israel defense-technology cooperation provisions; the draft, which cites Israel’s conduct in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon, says “These are not the actions of a government whose defense establishment should be granted deeper access to American military technology, nor rewarded with U.S. defense contracts,” and asks that any framework kept “carry human rights conditions consistent with those governing other United States security assistance.”
A 3/4: his votes reach 4, but he has a pro-Israel act in office during the genocide. An original Block the Bombs cosponsor (May 21, 2025), he also cosponsored the Ceasefire Compliance Act, the 2023 ceasefire resolution and the McCollum children’s-rights bill (H.R.3103 in 2024, H.R.7545 in 2026). He voted No on the April 2024 aid package, the IHRA bill, the “river to the sea” resolution and the September 2026 anti-boycott bill, and Aye on the July 2026 Massie amendment to strip Israel’s military financing. On Oct 1, 2026 he co-signed a letter calling Israeli attacks in the West Bank part of “the ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Palestinian people.” What holds him at 3/4 rather than a clean 4: he has not used the word genocide for Gaza in his own statements, he cosponsored and voted for the October 2023 “Standing with Israel” resolution, in June 2024 he voted for the Moskowitz amendment barring the State Department from citing Gaza Health Ministry casualty figures, he has cosponsored the U.S.-Israel Defense Partnership Act since March 2025 and not withdrawn as three colleagues did, and the Washington Examiner reported in September 2025 that he would still accept AIPAC contributions, though FEC shows none since 2022 ($12,900 that year; a $2,900 earmark was voided in May 2023 and re-sent that June; the Intercept’s $15,000 across 2022 and 2024 is not supportable on FEC). Counter-case: a 4, since his critical acts — the original Block the Bombs cosponsorship, the Ceasefire Compliance Act, the Massie Aye and the hard votes — still outnumber his two pro-Israel cosponsorships and the Moskowitz vote.
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elect26 places 2026 midterm candidates on a six-tier spectrum, from 1 (most pro-Israel) to 6 (most critical of Israel).