Kristen McDonald Rivet
D · U.S. House, MI-8 · Tier 3
Tier 3, “Pro-Israel, critical”
Explaining her July 2026 No vote on the Massie amendment, she said “The Netanyahu government’s reckless actions have caused needless pain, suffering, and instability across the Middle East” and that rethinking U.S. policy “begins with holding our partners accountable and stopping the sale of offensive weapons to the Netanyahu government,” calling the amendment “poorly drafted and overly broad” and urging “sufficient aid reaching civilians, an actual permanent ceasefire, and a pathway to a two-state solution.” In the weeks after, she cosponsored McCollum’s Palestinian children’s-rights bill (H.R.7545, Jul 20), which limits how U.S. aid to Israel may be used, and Casten’s Ceasefire Compliance Act (Sep 24), and on Oct 1 became an original cosponsor of the Stop the Settlements Act. A freshman since January 2025, she voted against the 2025 ICC-sanctions bill and the 2026 anti-boycott bill, against Greene’s 2025 cut to missile-defense aid, and Nay on the first Lebanon war-powers resolution (Jun 2026) before voting Yea on the second. She has also cosponsored the U.S.-Israel Defense Partnership Act (H.R.1229), which would deepen U.S.-Israel military cooperation and extend the stockpile of U.S. weapons kept in Israel for its use through 2029, since May 2025. In 2025 she also signed Rep. Schneider’s May letter urging aid into Gaza while saying “Israel has the right and obligation to defeat Hamas and rescue the hostages,” and the August Pressley–Pettersen letter urging Secretary Rubio to demand a surge of infant formula into Gaza, cosponsored the West Bank Violence Prevention Act (H.R.3045) in September, and signed the September Schneider–Raskin letter against West Bank annexation and Rep. Amo’s November letter on Gaza’s starvation. In June 2026 McDonald Rivet signed a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio, led by Reps. Becca Balint and Joaquin Castro, on Israel’s operations in southern Lebanon, saying Israel’s “targeted, mass destruction of civilian homes and infrastructure does not constitute Israeli self-defense” and asking that, if U.S.-origin arms were confirmed in those operations, the administration “stop arms transfers being used in these operations until these violations cease”; the letter also affirmed that “Israel has a right to defend itself.”
A flat 3. A call, in her own words, to stop offensive-weapons sales to the Netanyahu government, followed by three cosponsorships that condition U.S. aid or sanction settlement expansion, is more than the single step of a 2/3. She is short of 3/4: she voted No on the one measure that would actually have cut Israel’s military financing, has cosponsored the U.S.-Israel Defense Partnership Act (H.R.1229) since May 2025, has no Block the Bombs cosponsorship and no “genocide” in her own words, and her offensive-weapons call and those three cosponsorships all date from July to October 2026; her earlier steps were a Nay on the 2025 ICC-sanctions bill and a September 2025 cosponsorship of the West Bank Violence Prevention Act. Counter-case both ways: 2/3 if her words and late cosponsorships are weighed against the Massie No; 3/4 if three conditioning or sanctions bills plus an explicit offensive-weapons position are read as a conditioning record.
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elect26 places 2026 midterm candidates on a six-tier spectrum, from 1 (most pro-Israel) to 6 (most critical of Israel).