Mike Quigley
D · U.S. House, IL-5 · Tier 2/3
Tier 2/3, between “Mainstream pro-Israel” and “Pro-Israel, critical”
Three conditioning cosponsorships inside six weeks — Block the Bombs and the Ceasefire Compliance Act both on Apr 22, 2026, the McCollum children’s-rights bill on May 7 — plus original cosponsorship of UNRWA restoration (Mar 2025) and the West Bank Violence Prevention Act. But the frame-keeping votes are the older and heavier half of the record: Yea on the 2024 Antisemitism Awareness Act (IHRA), Yea on the resolution condemning “from the river to the sea,” Yea on the April 2024 Israel supplemental, and original cosponsor of H.Res.771 “Standing with Israel.” In 2024 he also signed the Smith–Manning letter to Secretary Blinken opposing South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (January) and the Gottheimer–Wilson letter urging Speaker Johnson to bring the Senate’s national-security supplemental, with its aid to Israel, to a vote (April). He voted Nay on both ICC-sanctions bills and against the Tlaib censure. He signed letters urging the State Department to affirm U.S. opposition to the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza (January 2024), backing refugee priority status for Gazans with U.S. citizen or resident relatives (June 2024), demanding answers on the detentions of student activists Mahmoud Khalil (March 2025) and Mohsen Mahdawi (April 2025), and urging Secretary Rubio to demand a surge of infant formula into Gaza (August 2025); with most House Democrats he signed the September 2025 Schneider–Raskin letter to Netanyahu and his ministers opposing annexation of the West Bank, and in January 2026 the Welch–Khanna letter urging a stronger U.S. response to Israel’s moves to annex the West Bank, including the E-1 settlement. He has criticised AIPAC publicly but never renounced its money, and he took a $2,000 AIPAC conduit earmark on Apr 15, 2026 — seven days before signing Block the Bombs. His own press releases never use ‘genocide’ of Gaza — across the 619 since 2019 the word appears only of Russia’s war on Ukraine — and the strongest term in them is “ethnic cleansing,” scoped to Ben-Gvir and Smotrich’s rhetoric rather than to the campaign. But on Oct 1, 2026 he co-signed Chuy García’s letter to Ambassador Huckabee on the besieged West Bank village of al-Mughayyir, which says the attacks there reflect “an intentional policy of violence and terrorism inflicted by Israeli forces across the occupied West Bank to further the ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Palestinian people” and that the US “has consistently backed this policy by continuing to provide military aid to Israel.” In the same weeks he co-led, with Mark Pocan, a 41-member letter to Secretary Rubio (Sep 24) saying the detention of Palestinian medical workers without charge “appears to represent part of a pattern by the Israeli government to further dismantle the healthcare systems in Gaza and the West Bank”; signed the Dexter–Ruiz letter seeking the release of Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya (Sep 8) and the 72-member letter urging Netanyahu to contain settler violence and “halt further settlement approvals” (Sep 24); and became an original cosponsor of the Stop the Settlements Act (H.R.10642, Oct 1), which would sanction those who build or expand Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza and ban imports of settlement goods; on Oct 15 he wrote that he backs it “to stop the illegal land grabs in Gaza and the West Bank” and to halt the expansion of “existing Israeli settlements on Palestinian land.” He has also cosponsored the U.S.-Israel Defense Partnership Act (H.R.1229), which would deepen U.S.-Israel military cooperation and extend the stockpile of U.S. weapons kept in Israel for its use through 2029, since July 2025. He voted for both June 2026 Lebanon war-powers resolutions and cosponsored the second (H.Con.Res.108), saying he voted “to stop Trump from continuing his wars in the Middle East” and that “we can not let this catastrophe spread to Lebanon and other countries” (June 5, 2026). In June 2026 Quigley signed a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio, led by Reps. Becca Balint and Joaquin Castro, on Israel’s operations in southern Lebanon, saying Israel’s “targeted, mass destruction of civilian homes and infrastructure does not constitute Israeli self-defense” and asking that, if U.S.-origin arms were confirmed in those operations, the administration “stop arms transfers being used in these operations until these violations cease”; the letter also affirmed that “Israel has a right to defend itself.”
A 2/3 at the 2 end, and the money is what puts him there rather than at 3. He carries AIPAC money in all three cycles since 2022, including the current one, with no public break, so the relationship is live rather than lapsed. The conditioning cosponsorships are real and recent, but they sit on top of three substantive frame-keeping votes — IHRA, river-to-sea and the April 2024 supplemental — and he took the pro-Israel side of all three. The seven-day gap between an AIPAC earmark and a Block the Bombs signature is the record in miniature. His record resembles Sylvia Garcia’s 2/3, though unlike her he has taken AIPAC money in the current cycle.
Open the full card, with votes, money and every source, on elect26 →
elect26 places 2026 midterm candidates on a six-tier spectrum, from 1 (most pro-Israel) to 6 (most critical of Israel).